All rights reserved. The Ben Ali regime had maintained itself through sheer, repression; an impressive security apparatus controlled the, population and suppressed any kind of political protest, no, matter how benign it was. Competitive authoritarianism. institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), sectors of the economy. The Carter Center (2011) 'National Constituent Assembly Our study is also situated in time: A few years have passed since the beginning of this transition. Both will have to work hard to win new supporters before the next vote. Another factor is the homogeneity of Tunisian society –, which, although it has some divisions, does not suffer from, fragmentation along religious, political, cultural or ethnic, Members of the Tunisian parliament wave flags in celebration after approving the country’, lines, as is the case of Syria or Iraq, for instance. Ennahda permitted Salafist preachers. Military Defected from the Ben Ali Regime in January 2011. “Throughout the world the era of parties is over,” Mr. Saied argued. Instead, two political outsiders emerged on top and will enter a runoff election in October. Orientalists and neo-orientalists supported the idea that Islam and democracy were incompatible and that therefore one should not expect much change in this region, condemned to live under despotic, This chapter asks why the Syrian uprising did not lead to a democratic transition and instead descended into an intractable proxy war. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com. Among them, the High Commission for the Realisation of Revolution Objectives, Political Reforms and Democratic Transition (High Commission), created on 18th of February 2010 under presidential decree, leads the process of legal and institutional reform. Finally, with state failure, competitive regime re-formation led to more exclusivist alternatives—the rump of the government and jihadist counter-government—fighting over the Syrian space. Democratic Party (RCD), won all the seats in the legislature. The legislative election held on 26 October 2014, track. For an excellent, Protesters wave flags during a demonstration in front of Tunisian television headquarters in T. . The remittances they sent home –, skyrocketed from 14.2% in 2010 to 18.9% by the end of. This week furthered the speculation of an election victory by the Nidaa Tounes … Four years after the Jasmine Revolution, Tunisia has made some great strides in its transition towards a democratic political order. Egyrészt a tunéziai helyzetnek a többiétől eltérő sajátosságaira: a homogén társadalom, a franciául beszélő elit, az országos szakszervezet szerepe a lakosság mozgósításában, az apolitikus fegyveres erők és az önmérsékletet gyakorló politikai szereplők -különösen az iszlamistákkal szemben, ... Tunisia was seen to have a rather consistent output of publications from 2004-2010, after which publication volume fell. concessions to Ennahda, and thus withdrew from the ANC. © 2008-2021 ResearchGate GmbH. This article has been produced by the efforts of the following members: Cole Abugov and Troy Hilson – Main Contributors examining Tunisian Democracy Sabrine Elejel – Team Leader examining Tunisian Democracy. The refusal of the military –, which had remained a republican institution as intended, by Bourguiba, and which was marginalised by the Ben Ali, Above: Tunisian President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali (2, from left) visits Mohamed al Bouazzizi, the protester, who set himself alight during a demonstration against, unemployment, at a hospital in Ben Arous near Tunis. Tunisia gained widespread international attention following its popular uprising against authoritarian leader Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and successful transition to democracy. syriaincrisis/?fa=57049> [Accessed 5 November 2014]. = In 2018 and 2019, the Middle East has witnessed a new wave of protests that has been called by the media as the second wave of the Arab Spring. Their uprising sparked the Arab Spring, which is still reshaping political life in the Middle East. Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition. The narrative of the Tunisian transition from authoritarian rule to democracy has been depicted in much scholarly work as an unequivocal 'success story' (see e.g. That explains the low turnout for the Sept. 15 vote. New institutions have emerged to conduct the process of democratic transition in Tunisia. A tanulmány arra tesz kísérletet, hogy a komparatív politikatudomány és a nemzetközi kapcsolatok diszciplínája segítségével dekonstruálja a 2019-es közel-keleti tüntetéseket. socio-economic challenges, its neglect of the hinterlands, and the widespread political corruption caused its electoral, defeat. The emergence of Salafist extremists, whom Ennahda failed, to confront compellingly – although concerned by their rise –, resulted in accusations that Ennahda was complicit in those, assassinations. We do so by examining four post-uprising cases – Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen – from a comparative perspective focusing on the coercive power of the state. successful socio-economic progress. The presidential election has been peaceful and appears to be largely free and fair. the new government in Tunis on 18 February 2015. in parliament – a figure below the 109 required to form a. government – it was necessary to enter coalitions. Mr. Saied opposes decriminalizing homosexuality, is against rewriting inheritance laws in favor of gender equality and would like a return to the death penalty. Many analysts have focused on the Tunisian protests and the economic and political grievances that fueled them. people’s high post-revolutionary expectations. holds the Arab world’s expectations and hopes for authentic, democratisation. Join ResearchGate to find the people and research you need to help your work. The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. Yet, even if state mechanisms are strong, challenges to democratic transitions can still persist, especially if such states house politically motivated security institutions, such as influential militaries, that favour authoritarian rule. What may have captured the imagination of younger voters is his plan to tear up the current semi-presidential constitutional model in favor of direct democracy. Many of the Ennahda led governments’ failures were due to factors. The February 11, 2011 victory of pro-democracy forces has ushered in great hopes for actual political and social changes in Egypt. This is a qualitative study, based on interviews with political representatives, from a broad range of Tunisian political parties, who were part of the constitutional negotiations.
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